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20121222
20121230
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CSPAN2 7
CSPAN 3
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Search Results 0 to 10 of about 11
a civil-rights commission to put the facts on the table and i am told by someone at the meeting he slammed the table and they will put the facts on the table. policy is sometimes said up because there is a tough problem is that the report then they go away but in the future would depend on what it found out and how aggressive it was in the public thought about it. >>host: initially it was set up as a temporary commission? >>guest: right. the right age one year before the overall crisis. it was too diffuse part of the crisis to present a better image of the country to the world. if on the way they could recommend solutions, that would be great. >>host: who was the first commission? >>guest: to put people on there who would be respected. from the white man he was president from university of mish station michigan. the secretary of labor thought he was a moderate i read all of the white house files i did not just serve on the commission i got all the files and we had all of it so we could see inside though one lone black guy in the eisenhower white house the listlessly to have names to a poin
experiences on the united states commission on civil rights, set up by president eisenhower in the 1950s senate. this is about half an hour. >> host: on your screen now as a well-known face for c-span viewers. that is mary frances berry, professor university of pennsylvania and also the author of several books, where the university of pennsylvania to talk to her about this book, justice for all. united states commission on civil rights and continuing struggle for freedom in america. mary frances berry, when did the u.s. civil rights commission began and why? >> guest: well, the civil rights commission started in 1957. president eisenhower had a lot of discussions with john foster dulles, secretary of state about the way the united states is seen around the world because of the racism going on, that people would hear about and read about and the fact that there seemed to be a lot of episodes that kept happening, whether as lynching or some discrimination taking place in the country. so the idea was eisenhower said he was going to ask congress to set up a civil rights commission, which wou
records, 24 hours and 18 minutes he spoke against the 1957 civil rights bill. we remember strom thurmond today as one of the last of the jim crow demagogues. and he was. he was that. he was one of the last jim crow demagogue. what we forget about thurmond is that he was also one of the first of the sun belt conservatives. what do i mean by that? what's a sun belt conservative? the sun belt, it's one of the big stories, one of the major stories in the history of 20th century american politics. and that is the flow of jobs, of industry, of resources and population from the states of the northeast and the midwest to the south and the southwest in the post-world war ii period. the southern states were recruiting industries. they were passing right-to-work laws. they were receiving lots of funding from the federal government to build military installations at a time when the united states was involved in the cold war against the soviet union. so states like mississippi, states like georgia and texas and florida and southern california, arizona, north carolina are all being transformed in the
? where did it come from? >> guest: probably having parents that were civil rights activists in the '60s in the bay area. that was probably my initial interest. i saw their activism, and that was important. but also, i think i became interested in international affairs at spelman, in particular for s--from some courses that i took, and then harvard was a wonderful place to study international relations. the end of the cold war story became important to me later on in my graduate career when i took a job, to the dismay of my dissertation adviser, to do the research for george shultz's memoir and--out at stanford. c-span: why--why to the dismay? >> guest: oh, because it was such a huge project for some--someone who was working on her own dissertation, to take on another project, and--but i thought it was a great opportunity. c-span: how did that happen? >> guest: in 1989, i moved out to california to work with condi rice, who was my outside reader on my thesis committee, partly, and also to be in the bay area, and she got a job in the bush at the first bush administration, and so i just ha
long ago. that's 34 years after the 1964 civil rights act. according to the latest census, one in four americans describe themselves as being something other than black. african-americans are not the largest minority group anymore. they have not been for a while. latinos are a larger minority group. neither one of them is the fastest growing racial minority group. the fastest growing one is asian american. white americans are growing only had a 5.7% rate. another rapidly growing group of people like our president. who could check more than one box in the race and ethnicity section of their questionnaire. it seems to me that we cannot have a legal regime that sorts people according to their skin color and what country their ancestors came from. and treat some people better and other people worse based on what boxley check. okay? now, frequently the people who are arguing in favor, and i think this issue all the time, let me tell you. two minutes and today we are not talking about the educational benefits within a conversation. we are talking about slavery. we are talking about racial di
for granted, three great civil rights laws, medicare, just the vibrancy in those tapes, all you have to do is listen and he's back alive again swearing and being the most fascinating person that i've ever met in public life. and the books are helping because they create this giant character. he deserves it. >> and giant situations in front of him the way he came in as well as the way he left. >> a giant character and also -- >> dark clouds. >> you were there closely with him, but also so complicated. our relationships with our presidents are so personal, and the fact is he accomplished remarkable things politically. and yet you never get through a couple of pages of carol's books where you go, ew, this was not a good guy. >> i don't think -- that's not true. i disagree that he's not a good guy. he's a strange guy. >> they're all strange. >> there are not many presidents that take you into the bathroom and talk to you while they're in the bathroom. >> not enough. >> there's not many presidents that when he talks to you violates the normal human space between people so your head is right up
] there was no title vii. i graduated in 1959. title vii under the civil rights act was in 1964, all on discrimination on the basis -- outlawed discrimination on the basis of discrimination -- religion, and sex. and 1950s, law firms, and some of the finest graduates were saying they wanted no women. they would feel uncomfortable dealing with a woman, or as often her, we hired a woman at this from once, and she was dreadful. how many men did they hire that didn't work out? so it wasn't easy to get that first job. first job was all important because if you got it and performed well, then the next job was secure. well, i had a great professor, someone may know you -- some of you may know his name, he was the first constitutional law scholar, and he was in charge of getting judicial clerkship for columbia law school students. and i was special. he was determined to give me a federal clerkship. so he recommended me to a judge who always hired his law clerks from columbia. and then -- [inaudible] is ruth bader ginsburg. she has a four year old daughter. how can i rely on her? and the professor said, give he
way. we hear the tense confrontations of the civil rights movement and the life-or- death decisions being made during the cuban missile crisis. >> caroline kennedy joins "listening in" editor ted widmer in a discussion on the 1962 recordings of the late president in the oval office, tuesday evening at 7:00, as "book tv" continues through the holiday on c-span2. >> i was 9 and i was handing out leaflets for robert kennedy. when i was 10, i made a big decision and broke with the democratic party and went to work for john lindsay, who was running for mayor of new york. i went down to the liberal party. [laughter] i was handing out leaflets on a street corner in new york. and a woman thought this was really cute, this little boy handing out leaflets. she asked me why, and i made the case for lindsey. got an early start on my political consulting career. i made the case against his opponent as well. [laughter] she said, "that's so cute." she said, "this is for you." she hands me a box of what looked to be pastries, a white box with string. i took it back to the liberal party headquarters
days of american history tv, right through new year's day, on c- span3. >> you think of washington before the civil war. you think slavery was well entrenched. black people were miserable. that is not true at all. in washington, washington had about 30,000 people as a city. 12,000 of them were black. the majority free, no slaves. >> what led to the first race riots? jefferson morley recounts what happened, part of what today's through new year's day on c- span2's book tv. >> "washington journal" continues. host: damian paletta join us here at the table. thank you for joining us. this is the fourth time that congress has had a post- christmas lame duck session. what does that tell you about the magnitude of the issues? guest: it is not like an issue us.'s snuck up on expiring tax cuts, payroll tax cuts is going away. all these things have been out there for a long time. some of this was put off because of the election. they have to get some kind of deal to avert what can be a messy beginning of the new year. host: any deal is likely to be limited. guest: we have heard about the tal
, and offend every standard of civilized society by bringing an even more toxic max of reckless behavior and criminal cruelty right into our homes every minute, every day, every hour, of every single year. a child growing up in america today witnesses 16,000 murders and 200,000 acts of violence by the time he or she reaches the ripe old age of 18. throughout it all, to many in the national media, their corporate owners, and their stockholders, act as silent enablers if not complice it co- conspirators. rather than face their own moral failings, the media demonize to gun owners. >> reckless behavior becoming from the nra. the nra has blood on its ads. -- ahands. the nra has blood on its hands. shame on the nra ban assault weapons now. ban on assault weapons now. stop killing our children. stop the reckless behavior of the nra. we need gun control now. >> rather than face their own moral failings, the media demonizes the gun owners, amplifies their cries for more laws, and fills the national media with misinformation and dishonest thinking that only delay meaningful action in all that guar
amendment of the 1960s. the great iconic statute of the 1960 civil rights act of '64, the voting rights act of '65. fair housing act of '86. republicans and democrats in the spirit that you are calling for, and i have one other thought since we're talking about our sponsoring institutions for this extraordinary conversation, that's the national archive -- i think that the framers of the constitution who were amending their regime, studied what had gone they studied the state constitution. saw which ones worked and didn't. massachusetts put the constitution to a vote let's put our constitution to a vote. most of the constitutions have three banch branches of government. let's go with that. most have vie -- an independent executive works well for massachusetts and new york. let's build on that. many of the bill of rights. george mason he gives u.s. virginia bill of rights. that's model for the federal bill of rights. abolition of slavery occurred in several states. and we have to study, you know, and make amendments. what has gone before us. we have the duty to the future, i think we danger i
Search Results 0 to 10 of about 11